177. This chapter expands on circumstances and pathways into faith-based settings, including orphanages (renamed children’s homes), reformatory institutions, education, adoption and foster care and pastoral care. Children’s homes and residences, including reformatory residences, were run by the Anglican, Catholic, Methodist, Presbyterian, and The Salvation Army churches; often through various societies or trusts affiliated to the churches.

178.  The Inquiry heard from approximately 811 registered survivors whose first entries into care were faith-based settings. Of those survivors, 50 percent reported first experiencing and entering care through faith-based schools or pastoral care.[217] Entries into faith-based schools and pastoral care were often voluntary – either of their own accord or of their whānau and were often influenced by whānau, religious background and societal factors.

179. Some families chose to voluntarily place children, either temporarily or permanently, into faith-based care settings due to the stress factors such as marital breakdowns, death or illness of a parent, substance abuse or financial problems.[218] Twenty-one percent of the 811 registered survivors whose first entries into care were faith-based settings entered through voluntary placement by parents, due to parents not coping, parents struggling with mental distress, or following parental death or separation.[219]

180.  Of the 811 registered survivors, 21 percent reported being required by the State to enter residential settings[220] due to unsafe home environments including abuse at home, parental neglect, and troubled behaviour.[221]181. Some children and young people also entered faith-based care, through social welfare care or as a result of ‘overflow’ of social welfare care.[222]

182.  The Inquiry also heard from survivors who had experienced abuse in unmarried mothers’ homes that were established by some faiths.

Ngā ara ki ngā whare taurima tamariki pani ā-whakapono, ngā kāinga whānau, ngā whakahaere whakahou, me ngā whare taurima tamariki
Pathways into faith-based orphanages, family homes, reformatory institutions and foster care

183.  In the welfare space, faith-based residential care by the Anglican, Catholic, Methodist and Presbyterian churches and The Salvation Army predominantly focused on running orphanages. These types of facilities were residential and were funded by the State, independently or a combination of both. Children and young people were placed there either voluntarily by their families, faith intervention or by the State.

184. Despite sometimes being called orphanages, few children and young people who lived in these faith-based care settings had lost both parents. By the 1970s, orphanages had largely been renamed children’s homes to reflect this. Children and young people were placed in a faith-based children’s home either temporarily (in what is known today as respite care) or permanently due to family hardships such as parental illness or relationship breakdowns.[223] Between 1984 and 1985, 104 children and young people were admitted to Salvation Army residential children’s homes. Seventy two percent were admitted for reasons related to parents, rather than the child, with most referrals coming either from the family itself or from doctors involved with the family.[224] NZ European survivor Michael Ellis, who was at St Joseph’s Orphanage in Te Awa Kairangi ki Uta Upper Hutt (Catholic), said:

“I think most of the kids there were children of sole parents … either a parent who had abandoned the other parent or had died. There weren’t any true orphans there. From memory, I think it was all a case of one parent who couldn’t cope and so you were placed into the convent for a period of time.’’[225]

185. Māori and NZ European survivor Gloria White was placed into the Nest (The Salvation Army) in Kirikiriroa Hamilton at 4 years old. Her records stated that it was “quite a bad case and the children had to be removed from their home in a hurry. If we had not taken them, they would have gone to the State. The child welfare say the Home Conditions were very bad”.[226]

186. In choosing to place their child or young person in faith-based care, a family’s religious beliefs were an important factor. Survivor Mr MD was born in Suva, Fiji but moved to Aotearoa New Zealand at 6 months old with his siblings and mother to live with his maternal grandparents.[227] His grandmother was a devout Catholic who attended mass each day.[228] Mr MD and his siblings went to Catholic schools until 7 years old when he and his sister were sent to Catholic orphanages because their mother and grandparents could no longer cope – Mr MD’s sister was sent to Star of the Sea, Owairoa Howick, and Mr MD was sent to St Joseph’s Orphanage, Takapuna.[229]

187. Children and young people were also placed into faith-based care, particularly children’s homes, as a response to overcrowding in social welfare residences .[230] The number of children and young people who entered for this reason increased significantly from the 1960s.[231] By 1977, around a quarter of children in faith-based children’s homes were State wards.[232] Some infant or child residents of faith-based homes became wards of the State once they were too old to be in care.[233]

188. The State also placed so-called ‘wayward’ children and young people into Catholic reformatory institutions including Mount Magdala Home in Ōtautahi Christchurch, Marycrest Girls' School in Te Horo and Sunnybank (later renamed Garindale) Catholic Home in Whakatū Nelson.[234] Children and young people were placed in this type of faith-based setting following conflict with family, by the Department of Social Welfare as an alternative to being placed into State-run social welfare residences, or by the courts as punishment for minor offending.[235] However, some children and young people never knew why they were placed there.[236]

189. Some Māori survivors who spoke to the Inquiry about entering these types of faith-based care settings were already wards of the State and experienced multiple faith-based placements throughout their time in care.[237] Irish / Portuguese / Māori / Pākehā survivor Margurite Cassidy (Ngāpuhi) became a State ward in 1978 and experienced multiple placements in faith-based welfare residential settings, including being placed in Anglican children’s homes, foster care and family homes.[238]

190. Given the over-representation of tamariki and rangatahi Māori in social welfare care settings they were likely disproportionately affected by the State’s tendency to shift State wards from overflowing social welfare care settings to faith-based care settings, particularly during the 1960s and 1970s.[239]

191. The use of faith-based welfare residential care began to decline in the second half of the 20th century. A 1982 Government review noted that since the 1950s, faith-based organisations had “little by little” withdrawn from providing welfare residential facilities to care for children and young people, in favour of social work services and aged care.[240]

192. In 1950, 74 private children’s homes were registered under the Child Welfare Act 1925; by 1960, this was 68. While some private organisations operating children’s homes had no religious affiliation, most registered private children’s homes were run by churches (53 of 68 homes in 1960).[241]

193. Between 1975 and 1985, the number of children and young people being cared for in private residential facilities run by non-government agencies (including church-run organisations) almost halved, from over 1,150 in 1975 to 603 in 1985.[242] Most of these were small homes, with only nine of 62 homes accommodating more than 15 children.[243]

194. This changing approach to faith-based welfare residential care was evident in Sunnybank Catholic Home (1940 to 1975) in Whakatū Nelson, which became Garindale (1975 to1988). Sunnybank took in a mixture of boys placed in care by their families and State wards. Boys from all religious denominations were admitted, including some from other institutions.[244] From 1975, Garindale took in socially disadvantaged older children who were “seriously disturbed adolescents”,[245] mainly from Porirua.[246] Most children and young people were referrals to Catholic Social Services from the Department of Social Welfare or the courts and remained at Garindale for a few years. Garindale closed in 1988.[247] In subsequent civil proceedings about abuse in Garindale, former general manager for the Archdiocese of Wellington, John Butterfield, explained:

“By the 1980s there was a change in philosophy and a general trend towards the closure of residential care institutions such as Garindale. This was a move across the board and not limited to Catholic institutions – and with the move being to the placement of children and teenagers in need into family home environments. Garindale was no exception to the trend. It finally shut its doors on a date not now precisely known, but around 1985 at the latest.” [248]

195. As care provided by faith-based children’s homes declined, faith-based foster care also became more prominent. Social service agencies associated with the Anglican, Catholic, Methodist and Presbyterian churches and The Salvation Army, organised and facilitated foster care placements. Children and young people were either placed in the care of religious families or in family group homes, where employees of the social services agency, usually a married couple, cared for them. The employees’ own children would also live there.

196. The pathway into foster care in many respects mirrored the circumstances of placement in faith-based children's homes and other faith-based welfare residential care settings. These included single parent families requiring support to look after their children including poor health or financial hardship. In some circumstances, foster care was a form of respite, and in others it was to provide a permanent living arrangement for a child or young person. Some survivors experienced multiple faith-based foster care and family group home placements, sometimes returning to the same faith-based foster care home or family group home multiple times.[249]

Ngā ara ki ngā pūnaha mātauranga ā-whakapono
Pathways into faith-based education

197. Education has been, and continues to be, the main provider of faith-based care for children and young people in Aotearoa New Zealand. Schools are operated or associated with the Anglican, Catholic, Methodist, Presbyterian, Plymouth Brethren and Gloriavale churches. These schools offer a combination of primary and secondary education and boarding facilities. The Catholic Church was most prominent in the provision of private schooling particularly early in the Inquiry period before many of their schools became State integrated. Statistics show in 1975, 11 percent of primary and secondary aged students were enrolled in private schools, and 78 percent of that group were at Catholic schools.[250]

198. For survivors who spoke to the Inquiry, faith-based education was the most common pathway into the faith-based care where they suffered abuse.[251]

199. A family’s religious affiliation, and the extent of that affiliation, was often a factor behind children and young people attending faith-based schools.[252] NZ European survivor Robert Donaldson, who attended Christian Brothers’ St Edmund’s Intermediate in Ōtepoti Dunedin and St Paul’s College (formerly Christian Brothers High School, then named as Kavanagh College and renamed Trinity Catholic College in 2023), told the Inquiry his family was very religious: “Being Catholic we all attended Catholic schools.”[253]

200. The Inquiry also heard from survivors who were sent to faith-based schools due to the perception that these private or State integrated schools would offer students a higher standard of education and opportunity than State schools. This perception influenced families who weren’t necessarily religious to send their children there.[254] The schools were in some cases a conscious attempt to recreate the English class system.[255]

201. NZ European Michael Poynter, who attended private school King’s College (Anglican) in Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland between 1990 and 1994, told the Inquiry his parents wanted him to have an excellent education at King’s college:

“King’s College was based on the traditional English public-school model. It had a reputation for strictness and encouraged respect for tradition and for authority.”[256]

202. Survivors also attended some faith-based schools because of the boarding facilities. NZ European survivor Rodney Anderson boarded at the Anglican schools, Cathedral Grammar and Christ’s College in Ōtautahi Christchurch in the 1980s. Rodney’s parents were not religious, but they moved around due to his father’s Air Force commitments and wanted him to be settled as much as possible in one place.[257]

203. Pākehā survivor Jim Goodwin grew up on a farm in Fairlie before being sent to Christ’s College in Ōtautahi Christchurch to board in 1970:

“My parents were boarding school people. They both went to boarding school. Dad went to Waitaki Boys and Mum went to Craighead in Timaru … because they were Anglican. I was sent to an Anglican school rather than St Andrew’s.”[258]

204. Dilworth School, which is affiliated to the Anglican Church in Aotearoa New Zealand, was specifically established under philanthropist James Dilworth’s will and offered what was considered to be a ‘premier’ education at full scholarship. Boys were typically enrolled at a very young age, usually 8 or 9 years old. Many came to the school following family trauma or dysfunction, a serious accident or illness suffered by a parent or, due to the death, separation or divorce of parents. Most boys did not have a father.[259] The school had a student selection process. In 1980, the selection process changed so that the “"reasonable balance” of students came from “"relatively stable” backgrounds. Later in 2002, the Board resolved to screen out student from families where there was abuse of alcohol and other drugs, to avoid boys who would have a “negative influence on the wider school”.[260]

205. For Pacific families, the influence of the church in daily life led to children being enrolled in faith-run schools, and often faith-based schooling for children from devout Pacific families was simply a given.

206. Some survivors were also State wards who were placed into faith-based schools, including faith-based schools for Māori.[261]

Ngā ara e rua ki ngā kura paerangi mō te Māori
Two pathways into faith-based boarding schools for Māori

207. Education played a significant role in bringing tamariki and rangatahi Māori into the care of faith-based institutions, in particular faith-based boarding schools for Māori. There were two main pathways into these schools for Māori: whānau enrolled their tamariki and rangatahi with the hope of a quality education, learning te reo and matauranga Māori or the State placed tamariki and rangatahi who were in the State’s social welfare or youth justice system into the schools.[262]

208. Māori survivor Mr KL (Muaūpoko, Ngāti Raukawa ke ti Tonga) who experienced abuse at Hato Pāora College in Aorangi Feilding between 1982 to 1984, spoke of the significance of religious affiliation and the encouragement of religious leaders in influencing this pathway:

“My whānau were Catholic [and] when I was at school many Māori families were tūturu Catholic. Fr Wall was a huge reason why boys were enrolled at Hato Pāora. Everyone knew him. He would come into the communities and the red carpet would be rolled out.

He had reach into the Māori community and he would say ‘your son / grandson needs to come to Hato Pāora’. It was a great recruitment strategy. The priests were god-like. Our parents and grandparents trusted that they would look after us. I believe only a small percentage of the old boys that I know remain Catholic today.”[263]

209. For whānau Māori, intergenerational associations with faith-based schools and an expectation of quality education that incorporated Māori culture, influenced caregivers’ decisions to send tamariki and rangatahi Māori there.[264] Some Māori survivors told the Inquiry that their parents wanted them to learn te reo and that the best way to learn was through attending a faith boarding school. Some survivors that attended faith boarding schools told the Inquiry that their parents chose to send them and their siblings to faith-based boarding schools as they wanted them to have the best education possible. The Inquiry was told often by survivors about their parents, or uncles or aunties or older siblings had attended a faith boarding school and it was expected that they would attend too. Māori survivor Rosina Hauiti (Ngati Porou, Ngāti Hine) a survivor of neglect and physical abuse at Queen Victoria School in Tāmaki Makarau Auckland, spoke about her parents’ desire for their tamariki to have the best education and learn te reo Māori:

“My father was really keen on my siblings and I having the best kind of education that we could have. He decided that for me it was going to be at Queen Victoria School and for my brother that was going to be at [St Stephen’s] ... My parents were part of the Māori urban migration. They were both te reo speakers, but they did not speak it with us at home. They wanted me and my brother to learn te reo at school, which is in part why I was sent to Queen Vic.”[265]

210. The State, faiths and iwi also provided financial scholarships to Māori students that met certain eligibility criteria to ensure they “received the secondary education that otherwise would be denied to them.”[266]

211. Some survivors said that their whānau sent them to these schools to stop them misbehaving or to avoid being sent to State-run social welfare boys’ homes or youth justice facilities.[267] Mr KL’s koro (grandfather) made sure he was sent to Hato Pāora College instead of a State boys’ home:

“Hato Pāora was my lifeline. I would have been sent to Hokio or Kohitere, but my Koro had standing in the community and told police that I would be going to Hato Pāora instead. I came from a good home, but I just wanted to be mischief. Mum and Dad worked very hard and paid my school fees while I attended Hato Pāora.” [268]

212. The Inquiry heard from Māori survivor Ms JF (Muaūpoko) how she was placed at St Joseph's Māori Girls' School by a social worker for the Department of Social Welfare after being raped and falling pregnant in foster care, at age 12.[269] She told the Inquiry that after undergoing an abortion, she was sent to St Joseph's because she believed that she would be too hard to place as a teenager.[270]

213. Some survivors experienced multiple placements before the State placed them at a faith-based boarding school for Māori. One survivor who attended Te Aute College in the early 1980s said he got sent there because of his behaviour. He described the school as being a last resort:

“They were too naughty for foster care, boys’ homes and stuff like that. If they couldn’t handle them there, they’d send them to Te Aute. If they were in trouble and they’re too young to go to prison, they went to Te Aute. That was the drop-off place for kids they couldn't deal with.”[271]

214. According to the Catholic Church at some point in the late 1970s or early 1980s, Hato Pētera College accepted boys referred to it by the Social Welfare Department, although this policy was eventually stopped as a result of its limited success.[272]

Ngā karahipi mātauranga mō te hunga Pasifika
Educational scholarships for Pacific

215. The New Zealand Government provided scholarships for fanau (children) and tagata talavou (young people) from Pacific Island nations including Tokelau, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa. As part of the scholarship, fanau and tagata talavou were sent to Aotearoa New Zealand and placed in State-run social welfare residences or faith-based boarding schools.[273]

216. The Inquiry heard from a survivor who came to Aotearoa New Zealand from the Tokelauan atoll Nukunonu on a scholarship in 1981 at 12 years old.[274] Upon arrival in Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland, some scholarship students remained in Auckland. However, he was placed in the Anglican-run Sedgley Boys’ Home in Whakaoriori Masterton where he faced racism, was abused by other boys and felt that he was in constant survival mode.[275] He felt unsupported and struggled to integrate into his new environment.[276] He used simple English and along with Tokelauan students mostly used body language, gestures and sign language to communicate with non-Tokelauan people.[277]

217. A review of Tokelauan education (2010) noted the flaws with the scholarship scheme, such as the language barriers faced by the Tokelauan students. Many required support to be in place to assist with their transition into the Aotearoa New Zealand education system, but limited if any support was provided. As a result, many would fail their national exams creating conflict with parents who expected them to return home well-educated and skilled.[278]

218. Pacific young people also entered the care of faith-based boarding schools through scholarship schemes offered to students who either excelled in certain areas or whose kāinga (family) required financial assistance. Samoan and Scottish survivor William Wilson was a scholarship student at Wesley College in Pukekohe, a Methodist boarding school that described itself as a “practical expression” of the Methodist Church’s concern for education, particularly for Māori and Pacific students, orphans and those from disadvantaged backgrounds.[279]

219. William was raised mostly by his grandparents as his father had passed away and his mother struggled with mental distress. His grandfather and social worker made the decisions for William to enrol at Wesley College. At Wesley College William, he endured serious physical violence by older students and described the school as having a culture of violence.[280]

Ngā ara ki te taurimatanga ā-whakapono
Pathways to pastoral care

220. Pastoral care was provided by the Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, Plymouth Brethren and Gloriavale Christian Community.

221. For some survivors, faith-based care occurred in the context of a pastoral relationship with someone in a position of responsibility who provided spiritual guidance.[281] The pathway to pastoral care was often through the religious affiliation of survivors’ families and the inherent trust, conferral of authority and status given to those in positions of authority. Where a pastoral relationship is related to the faith-based institution’s work or is enabled through the institution’s conferral of authority, a child, young person, or adult may be said to be in the care of the faith-based institution.[282]

222. Irish / Asian survivor Anne Hill, who was sexually abused by Catholic Father Michael Shirres from 4 to 12 years old, originally attended the parish in Blockhouse Bay, near Hillsborough in Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland, along with her family. Father Michael Shirres had recently arrived back from Australia and was based at the parish:

“He ingratiated himself into our family and he could hear my parents’ confessions. He and my mother were learning beginners’ Māori. My mother thought it was wonderful and was so pleased that a priest was paying attention to her. My mother was very vulnerable at that point in her life. We had no friends or relatives here.”[283]

223. Pākehā survivor Ms C first met Anglican vicar Stephen Brooker in 1970 when she was about 11 years old, after he suggested to her mother that she attend confirmation classes at the Anglican Porirua Church.[284]

“I began attending the youth group which was a very good experience for me. I felt accepted by the group and was made to feel very special by Stephen Brooker. I was the youngest child by four years in a family of four and felt quite isolated amidst my older teenage siblings. Stephen Brooke's warmth and positive affirmation of me was very important for me at this stage of my life.”[285]

224. Stephen Brooker spent months grooming Ms C after she entered his pastoral care. This was accepted by her parents who trusted him because he was a vicar.[286] Ms C had long talks with the vicar within the youth group and alone at his home, and he went on to sexually abuse her.[287]

225. Pacific survivors spoke about how religion and culture were so interwoven that families would willingly open their homes to members of the church and clergy and enrol their children in religious schools.[288]

226. At the Inquiry’s Faith-based Institutional Response Hearing, the Bishop of Auckland, Bishop Steve Lowe, acknowledged that the way that priests are highly regarded by not just Pacific communities, but other cultures as well within the Catholic Church, has sometimes been damaging and needs to change.[289]

227. The Inquiry has also seen specific examples of abusers’ ‘calculated and predatory’ exploitation of certain communities in the context of their pastoral care.[290] Brother McGrath targeted tamariki and rangatahi Māori and Pacific children and young people, as well as their wider communities, while he was at Hebron Trust in Ōtautahi Christchurch.[291]

Ngā ara ki Gloriavale
Pathways into Gloriavale

228. Families joined Gloriavale and many children have been born into the religious community.[292]

229. Māori survivor Ms SU (Ngāi Tahu) told the Inquiry her grandmother joined Gloriavale which resulted in subsequent generations being born there:

“My maternal grandmother joined the Church in Springbank, Oxford with her six children after she became a widow. My mother grew up in Gloriavale.”[293]

230. Māori survivor, Hilton Green (Ngāti Porou) told the Inquiry that the founder Hopeful Christian visited his recently widowed mother to persuade her to join the community. Within a couple of years, Hopeful had convinced her to sell the family home and wedding ring with all proceeds going to the Gloriavale community.[294]

I whāiti ngā ara ki ngā taurimatanga ā-whakapono mō ngā tāngata hauā
Limited pathways into faith-based care for disabled people

231. Outside the family, the care of disabled people remained overwhelmingly the domain of the State.[295] Comparatively few faith-based institutions for disabled people existed.

232. Faith-based children’s homes focused almost entirely on the care of developmentally ‘normal’ children. As a 1942 study noted, very few church homes catered for physically disabled children or children with learning disabilities.[296] Some faith-based orphanages had discriminatory admission policies specifically barring disabled children and young people from entry.[297]

233. The State strongly favoured running its own facilities, taking the position in 1954 that privately run institutions for intellectually disabled children should not be offered subsidies.[298]

234. Nonetheless some private[299] and faith-based organisations also opened residential homes for disabled people. Mother Mary Joseph Aubert established a Catholic Order, the Daughters of our Lady of Compassion in 1892.[300] Mary Aubert established the St Joseph’s Home for ‘incurables’ in Te Aro, Wellington, that provided residential care for those “suffering from chronic and degenerative conditions”.[301] The Catholic order describes Te Aro homes as “New Zealand’s first home for permanently disabled people”.[302] Later in 1907, the Catholic order established a larger institution in Island Bay, Wellington, that provided care for children of working mothers and disabled children.[303]

235. NZ European survivor Mr DL, who had learning difficulties as a child, described the multiple settings he was in, including the St Raphaelo’s Home of Compassion School in Taratahi Carterton and Marylands School in Ōtautahi Christchurch:

“I was attending Carterton Primary School but had learning difficulties and was transferred to a school run by the local Sisters at the Home of Compassion. The reason I was moved to the Home of Compassion School was because I was a slow learner and was hyperactive. The Sisters at the Home of Compassion had recommended Marylands School for me. I had continued to be disruptive, and it was felt that I needed more intense training.”[304]

236. Sandra Allwood who was a State ward and assessed as having a learning disability,[305] was placed at St Raphael’s Home of Compassion in Taratahi Carterton from Levin Hospital in 1976 when she was 11 years old.[306] She remained there for about a year, although during that time she was repeatedly transferred to Porirua Hospital (a psychiatric facility) as St Raphael’s was unable to cope with her violent outbursts.[307]

237. St Dominic’s School for the Deaf was a Catholic school in Aorangi Feilding. Deaf, NZ European survivor Jarrod Burrell grew up in a hearing family after his birth in 1979. At 4 years old Jarrod’s family relocated from New Plymouth to Feilding and enrolled him in St Dominic’s as a day student after a nun recommended the school to his parents. Jarrod’s parents were not Catholic but wanted him to be in an environment where he was surrounded by other Deaf children.[308]

Ngā whakataunga mō ngā ara ki ngā taurimatanga ā-whakapono
Conclusions on the pathways into faith-based care

238. A large proportion of children and young people entered into faith-based care settings through voluntary placement from their families, particularly for faith-based welfare residential care, faith-based education, and pastoral care.

239. Whānau voluntarily placed their children and young people into faith-based institutions as a form of respite, due to distress and financial difficulties and placed their children into faith-based schools in the hopes they would receive higher quality education. Children, young people and adults in care formed pastoral care relationships with faith leaders who had authority and / or power, and whose relationship with the children, young person or adult in care, related to the institution’s work or enabled through the faith’s conferral of authority.

240. For some survivors, such as Pacific survivors, their whānau were part of a much wider community where religion was part of their everyday life and culture. This contributed to survivors entering into and accessing faith-based care.

241. This was a similar case for tamariki and rangatahi Māori who were voluntarily placed into faith-based boarding schools for Māori. Many were placed into boarding schools in the hopes that they would have access to their culture. Some also had familial and intergenerational ties to a particular faith and school. Scholarships were also available for Māori and Pacific children and young people to enter into specific faith-based schools, contributing to entries – these were provided by the State, faiths and iwi to students that met certain criteria to ensure they received secondary education that otherwise would be denied to them.

242. In other cases, children and young people were required by the State to enter into faith-based care such as faith-based welfare residential care and faith-based education. Many State wards were placed into faith-based care, especially foster care, due to over-crowding in State-based social welfare care options. Similarly, the State also placed Māori State wards into faith-based boarding schools for Māori as a response to limited capacity of social welfare institutions.

243. For Gloriavale, the pathway into care was a result of being born into, or having their families join the church.

244. Faith-based care for people with disabilities was limited over the Inquiry period. There was a small number of faith-based institutions, including welfare residential care, and schools that provided care for disabled children, young people and adults.

Footnotes